Education is generally considered as an important instrument stimulating of social change. Besides, according to the liberal theory, education has always been considered as a path for the social mobility and the key for the individual and social progress. Nevertheless it was in the sixties that education start calling the attention of economists, politicians, international organisms and revolutionary movements. As a matter of fact there took place some events that led to look closer the educational processi and institutions. The elaboration of economic theories on education is a sign of this increasing interest in education and knowledge. But the economic conception of the «human capital» has some ideological presuppositions that reinforce the capitalist model of society. Anyway education, in terms of economic growth and social mobility became conspicuous in every developped capitalist country. In the underdevelopped capitalist countries the rising industrialization has also underlined the role of education in social change. But, beyond those problems, concerning the capitalist development in developped countries and the industrialization in underdevelopped capitalist countries, the sixties and the beginnings of the seventies gave other reasons for remarking the importance of education in social change. Namely the socialist educational reforms in Cuba, China and, more recently, in several African countries are an inspiration for new and important studies. In the socialist revolution there is the consciousness that the class struggle also shows itself in school clearly. On the other side, the conflict theories, marxist or non-marxist, also apply to the analysis of the educational reforms in capitalist societies. These theories try to establish the grounds for an alternative society, based on the value of work. Indeed a project of educational change as part and parcel of a processus of cultural revolution logically derives from a class analysis of the contradictions existing in the economic, political and cultural life as a whole.

The main target of this article is to analyse how the processus of agrarian reform has been developped in Portugal, after the April revolution in 1974 and to verify if a processus of rural development has been launched. It is a work of reckoming and not of a mere description of facts. Three years, within a processus of agrarian reform, are indeed a period too short to let formulate definitive conclusions. Nevertheless some important results have been obtained, even with some mistakes, and these results let us say that the balance is positive. The abolition of the latifundia system created the necessary conditions for accelerating the development, or rural zones. But the rural development only be effective if it will be supportted by the political institutions. The first priority must now be to achieve and complete the consolidation and expropriation of lands, according to the law. In these expropriated lands one must place smal producers, not in the collective units of production that they reject, but giving them individual lots that may let them to enlarge their small proprieties and develop the use of family manpower. Once achieved the consolidation of the agrarian reform with the effective participation of the rural masses, the rural extension, the agricultural planning and policy must be coherent as to the new agricultural structure in order that they may promote a dynamic rural development. But the stop recently suffered by the processus of agrarian reform kept down what, though with mistakes, already was a beginning of rural development in Alentejo.

This article is the introduction to a larger work that is an attempt of understanding the ideological matrix of the Salazarist political regime and the differences that, at such a level, separate/approach it as to the Italian fascism. Indeed a comparison between these two regimes immediately shows their diferent historical origins and, above all, the inequality of the ideological grounds where there political conceptions, that were to be embodied (through suffering some other cross-breedings or ideological grafts) in the institutions and practices of the Portuguese New State and the Italian Fascist State. Given the importance ascribed to the political chief in these regimes and in the system of the chiefs political thought, it is indeed relevant that Mussolini had, for his ideological and political matrix, the secularism of the Socialist party and trade union formations at the end of the last century and that Salazar had, for his ideological and political matrix, the social catholicism of the incipient theoretical and organizing expressions of the Christian-democratic thought in Portugal in the beginning of the twentieth century. Thus it is not possible to attain an exact understanding of the social conditionings of Salazar´'s political thought and the influence exerted by him on the implantation of the New State, without a previous incursion into the origins and first developments of the «Christian Democracy» in Portugal. It is like this that one deals, in this introduction, with the following issues successively: the three phases in the growth of Christian Democracy in Portugal; the social Catholic movements, from the anti-liberalism to the anti-socialism; the Christian Democracy, organic and corporatist overpassing of the democratic and liberal party spirit. As a matter of fact, from the double antagonism felt by the Christian Democracy towards either liberalism or Socialism came out a mediating and interclassist function that fulfilled the corporatist project of social democracy, that, allied to the political integrism of the Christian absolute-making of this same democracy, faivoured the appearance of the institutional presuppositions of Salazarism.

In spite of a large talking about the adherence of Portugal to the common Market and the benefits for the country resulting from it, little has been said and written on the real consequences of that «European option», the most part of the questions remaining within a «fog zone». This is true mainly as to those problems that are going to arise and those perspectives that may be offered to the Portuguese agriculture, since the studies that have appeared almost only concern the industry. According to this, the present article intends to be a contribution for an answer not only to the most general question of «what is going to happen to the Portuguese agriculture?» but also to some more particular questions, namely as follows: a) what will be the evolution of its answer capacity to the basic needs of the country? b) what future awaits small farmers, whose life conditions are so bad already?; c) what is going to happen to the Agrarian Reform? From the analysis here done, two fundamental conclusions stand out. The first is that the adherence of Portugal to the EFTA, far from having improved the standard of life of the rural population and the answer capacity of the agricultural sector to the needs of Portugal, has contributed, on the contrary, to aggravate them. The second is that the adherence to the EEC may accelerate the growth of the agricultural product but it is rather unlikely that it will improve the general conditions of life of the Portuguese people and, in special, of the rural masses. One expects a trend for the refinement of the capitalist relations of production in rural aereas, giving them a more modern aspect (more «European») regarding the period before the 25th April 1974, what will bring serious consequences for the small and medium farmers and for the agricultural workers, specially those in the zone of the Agrarian Reform.

Historians and sociologists are looking at feast nowadays and ask what men are searching in it. Play is a cultural phenomenon, not biologic but simultaneous, parallel, conmivent and antagonisitc regarding the institutional structures. Uu now the different social formations have always preserved the coexistence of the serious and joyous, of the institution and play, of the profane and the sacred. The new historical reality is, nevertheless, substantially different: the «mercantile cannibalism» (Ziegler) of the capitalist relations of production smashes, tames, recuperates and manipulates any amusing and joyous effervescence. Playing, a mere expense, causes the most terrible «dyspepsia» to Law, the code of which is, as Arnaud put it, the «catechism of the bourgeois juridical relations». The undertaker is the only one that does not play or whose play is preserved from chance by the law of the large numbers or by the law of the four characteristics: abstraction, generality, formalism and regulation.

As a contribution to the history of the Portuguese fascism in rural aereas one studied, in a previous article (Análise Social, nº. 46), the antecedents and the economic aspects of the so-called «Wheat Campaign», that took place between 1928 and 1938. In the present article, its political, ideological and institutional aspects are studied. In that previous article, one could already conclude that the«Wheat Campaign» was part and parcel of a «processus of fascistization». As a matter of fact, through it was, in a first time, just a device for restraining the money outlet and promoting a kind of import-substitution for bread (taking part in the Salazarist programme of «finantial restauration»), «Wheat Campaign», on the other side, made possible to put a series of social and economic elements of first importance under the same flag - the patriotic exaltation of the autarchy: «The wheat of our land is the frontier that protects us best». Thus, appraising what may have been the «Wheat Campaign» either at the economic and social level or at theinstitutional and ideological level it seems there is no doubt that it may have rendered possible, not really «to solve the wheat problem» but mainly to become a material support for a very complex «alliance of classes». This alliance - that engaged big holders and manufacturers and big and small farmers, without even putting aside the peasants with no land - was one of the most successful moments of the building of the corporatist regime, either in itself or as a test for other operations of the same kind achieved through the Portuguese social and economic structure. On the other side, the analysis of the «Wheat Campaign» and its multiple political and institutional implications shows how the Portuguese corporatism found its may towards a surprising «fusion» between the political and the economic and the overpassing of the necessary mediations of any representative, liberal or authoritarian system.

This article examines the complex relationship between mental health care and substance use treatment in Brazil, specifically analyzing how the separation between these fields has evolved within the context of the Brazilian Psychiatric Reform (RPB). Through qualitative research involving in-depth interviews with mental health professionals, legal professionals, and mental health care users in the state of Bahia, the study explores how the historical divide between mental health and drug addiction treatment has shaped care practices and policies. The research argues that the apparent division between mental health and substance use treatment masks a deeper unity in their challenges, as both fields confront similar institutional logics of control and segregation. The article concludes that advancing a truly democratic psychiatric reform requires moving beyond the health-versus-justice dichotomy to address the intersecting issues of racism, social justice, and human rights in both mental health and addiction care.

The article aims to analyze hate as a political expression in Brazil, in the period surrounding the last two presidential elections (2018, 2022). It reflects on the decontextualization of politics in space and time, polarizing on social networks, on the streets and in private environments. The extension of the political period strengthened the radicality of actions driven by hate speech and fueled by the personalization of leadership and disbelief in the functioning of institutions. The investigation adopted an ethnographic perspective, privileging places and ways of observing the object suitable for an analytical stance that values ​​the connections between theory and everyday life.