Author(s): Brito, Ana Maria
Date: 2024
Persistent ID: https://hdl.handle.net/10216/164944
Origin: Repositório Aberto da Universidade do Porto
Author(s): Brito, Ana Maria
Date: 2024
Persistent ID: https://hdl.handle.net/10216/164944
Origin: Repositório Aberto da Universidade do Porto
In this text I revisit the syntax of free relatives introduced by the invariable o que and of semi free relatives introduced by the variable o que in Portuguese, in a comparative perspective. I will adopt the view that in free relatives the constituent o que is the result of reanalysis / incorporation, as defended by Medeiros Júnior (2016), here analysed as an operation of Agree. As for semi free relatives with the variable o que, I will propose that they are "restrictive relatives in disguise", with a NP layer and a null N, following Citko (2004) for some types of light-head relatives in Polish. This explains both the impossibility of reanalysis and the possibility of Pied Piping of a PP. The nature of the relative que as an underspecified wh morpheme (not the complementizer) will be crucial for the analysis